Campaign Legal Center Files Brief in Landmark SCOTUS Gerrymandering Case

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Urges Court to “strike a blow” against practice that “increasingly threatens our democracy”

WASHINGTON – Campaign Legal Center (CLC) and co-counsel today filed a merits brief with the U.S. Supreme Court in the landmark partisan gerrymandering case Gill v. Whitford. The brief urges the Supreme Court to strike down Wisconsin’s extreme partisan gerrymandering scheme which all but guarantees one party control of the state Assembly for the entire decade, irrespective of how the voters cast their ballots.  The case will be heard at the Supreme Court on October 3.

“Partisan gerrymandering is worse now than at any time in recent memory,” said Paul Smith, vice president of litigation and strategy at the Campaign Legal Center who will argue the case before the Supreme Court. “The Supreme Court has the opportunity to help restore the integrity of American democracy by creating ground rules that safeguard every American’s fundamental right to vote and have it count.”

Wisconsin’s partisan gerrymander – created in 2011 by legislative aides and hired consultants in a secret room in a private law office – employed the latest mapping technology and data analysis to create a district plan that is one of the most extremely gerrymandered state legislative plans in the last four decades. Consequently, in the first election under the plan, Republicans won a supermajority of 60 out of 99 seats despite losing the statewide vote for the Assembly. In 2014 and 2016, Republicans extended their advantage to 63 and 64 seats, respectively, even though the statewide vote remained nearly tied.  As a result, for the first time in 31 years, a lower court—after a four-day trial—struck down the plan as an unconstitutional gerrymander.

Appellees argue that Wisconsin's gerrymander violates both the Equal Protection Clause by diluting the electoral influence of a targeted group of voters, and the First Amendment, by penalizing these voters because of their political beliefs.

“Partisan gerrymandering is a concern for all Americans, both Republicans and Democrats,” said Trevor Potter, president of CLC, and former Republican Chairman of the Federal Election Commission. “Across the country, lawmakers of both parties are seizing power from voters to keep themselves in control. We are confident that when the justices see how pervasive and damaging this practice has become, the Court will adopt a clear legal standard that will ensure our democracy functions as it should.”

The brief rebuts arguments advanced by the state, and highlights that the map was “crafted with an obsessive focus on partisan advantage.” It refutes the notion advanced by the state of Wisconsin that there is a neutral justification for the map’s large partisan tilt. The brief notes that several sets of maps, along with other evidence, demonstrate that neither efforts to comply with traditional redistricting criteria nor Wisconsin’s political geography can explain the map’s large and durable partisan skew.  Wisconsin’s 2011 map, the brief argues, clearly meets a three-prong test for a partisan gerrymander: it was designed with discriminatory intent; it has had a discriminatory effect; and there is no valid justification for the map other than partisan gerrymandering.

Amicus briefs in support of appellees will be filed on September 5, 2017.

Learn more about CLC’s efforts on behalf of the 12 plaintiffs in Whitford here.

Learn more about the redistricting process, how it works, and the everyday impacts of partisan gerrymandering on our democracy here.

Private counsel working with CLC in representing the appellees includes Douglas M. Poland of Rathje & Woodward, Peter G. Earle, Michele L. Odorizzi of Mayer Brown, Nicholas O. Stephanopoulos of the University of Chicago Law School and Jessica R. Amunson of Jenner & Block.

Issues

Veasey v. Abbott

At a Glance

In 2011, the Texas legislature enacted Senate Bill 14, the nation’s strict voter photo ID law that left more than a half a million voters without access to the democratic process. After years of litigation, Texas changed its law.

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About This Case/Action

A Challenge to Texas’ Harsh Voter ID Law 

TEXAS SB 14: THE NATION’S STRICTEST VOTER PHOTO ID LAW

In 2011, the Texas legislature enacted Senate Bill 14, the nation’s strictest voter photo ID law that left more than half a million voters who do not have the requisite types of ID from fully participating in the democratic process. SB 14 required voters to provide limited types of voter ID in order to cast an in-person ballot, including:

  • Texas driver license issued by the Texas Department of Public Safety (DPS)
  • Texas Election Identification Certificate (EIC) issued by DPS
  • Texas personal identification card issued by DPS
  • Texas concealed handgun license issued by DPS
  • United States military identification card containing the person’s photograph
  • United States citizenship certificate containing the person’s photograph
  • United States passport

The types of ID required, however, purposefully left out large swaths of the population. For instance, a state license to carry a handgun, which may be legally obtained by some non-U.S. citizens, is a permissible form of identification, while a federal or state government ID, nor a student ID, are not permitted.

The professed aim of the law is to prevent voter fraud, even though evidence of in-person voter fraud is virtually non-existent. In fact, it is more likely for someone to get struck by lightning than for in-person voter fraud to occur.

THE LAW’S DEVASTATING IMPACT

Obtaining voter photo IDs is expensive, and in many cases, requires distant travel to government offices issuing the IDs. Despite Texas offering free photo IDs to its voters, as of March 2016, a paltry 653 had been issued since the law passed. In addition, EIC’s can’t be issued without supporting documents that also cost money (for Texans born out of state) and can require significant travel to another county as nearly a fourth of Texas counties do not have a driver’s license office. In some cases, voters do not have these supporting documents. Because of SB 14’s requirements, the law disproportionately disenfranchised minority voters, particularly African Americans and Latinos. 

Disenfranchised Voter: Anthony Settles

Due to the state of Texas misplacing his name change certificate, Texas voter Anthony Settles is not able to vote because the state cannot verify his identity. His only recourse is to move to another state or to pay to have his name changed back to his birth name, which he has not used since 1964. In response, Settles says that he feels like he is “living in a country that doesn’t want [him] and that is an awful feeling. It goes beyond a simple 2014 election...it’s a deep-seeded thing. It’s feeling like you’re in a place physically, but they don’t want you to be a part of it.” 

Disenfranchised Voter: Margarito Lara

Margarito Lara is 80 years old, and like millions of other Americans born in his era, was born at home rather than a hospital and did not receive a birth certificate. For that reason, he lost the ability to vote under SB 14. Upon the realization that he may never be able to vote again under SB14, Lara said that he “feels sorry that [he] can’t vote [because] it’s very important when you vote.” Sadly, Mr. Lara passed away last year without being able to vote in person.

LEGAL CHALLENGES TO TEXAS SB 14

The Texas law has faced continued legal challenges since its enactment in 2011 and CLC is proud to represent a group of plaintiffs who have challenged this law as burdening the fundamental right to vote and as discriminatory against minority voters.

The law was initially blocked under Section 5 of the Voting Rights Act after its passage, but when Section 5 was nullified by the U.S. Supreme Court in its Shelby County v. Holder decision, Texas immediately implemented the law. CLC immediately filed suit and prevailed in its claims that SB 14 was unconstitutional and violated Section 2 of the Act.  Over the course of several years of litigation, three federal courts have found the law to be discriminatory — one federal trial court judge and two different three-judge federal panels.  That means seven of seven federal judges have found the law discriminates against minority voters, yet it continues to be in effect due to the 5th Circuit’s stay of the district court’s decision in 2014. To date, the stay has prevented voters from participating in the 2014 midterm elections, 2016 primary, and numerous state and local races. 

Recognizing the law could keep as many as 600,000 Texas voters from participating in the 2016 presidential election, the U.S. Supreme Court ordered that if the 5th Circuit’s full panel fails to decide the case by July 20, 2016, the high court will consider taking action on a request from Texas voters.

On July 20, 2016, the full panel of the 5th Circuit ruled in a 9-6 decision that Texas' discriminatory voter ID law violated the Voting Rights Act and could not be enforced as is in the 2016 presidential election. In the 2016 election, all voters could cast a ballot for the first time since before 2013. If a voter did not have the required ID, that voter could sign a declaration and present another form of non-photo ID, such as a utility bill or bank statement and cast a regular ballot. Texas has now adopted that system into its law and no longer seeks to enforce its prior discriminatory law.

CURRENT STATUS

On Aug. 24, 2017, a federal court in Texas permanently blocked Texas latest version of its voter photo ID law, SB 5. The ruling said that Texas's latest voter ID law, SB 5, keeps the same limited forms of photo ID required under SB 14 and therefore carries forward the same discriminatory features of the original SB 14 law. Read our press release on the news.

LATEST UPDATE: On Sept. 5, 2017, a federal court ruled that Texas can now use its revised voter ID measure for the upcoming November 2017 elections, a decision that was very disappointing to voting rights attorneys and advocates. CLC filed a petition en banc in response, on Sept. 8, 2017.

Read our one pager about the case

For more information about the case, contact the Campaign Legal Center at [email protected]

Plaintiffs

Veasey

Defendant

Abbott

CLC Urges Office of Special Counsel to Review Potential Hatch Act Violation by Ben Carson

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Carson appeared at Trump rally in Phoenix; was introduced under formal HUD title

WASHINGTON – Today, Campaign Legal Center (CLC) released a legal complaint by letter to the U.S. Office of Special Counsel (OSC) urging them to investigate a possible violation of the Hatch Act by Housing and Urban Development (HUD) Secretary Ben Carson on Tuesday night at a campaign rally for President Donald Trump’s 2020 re-election campaign.

Under the Hatch Act, Secretary Carson is legally permitted to attend political rallies, but cannot use his official government title during the appearance. This prohibition prevents officials from mixing personal and official activities in ways that lends governmental support to a partisan political candidate. Tuesday’s event in Phoenix, Arizona was a campaign event paid for by Republican Party funds.

“Misuse of the government’s authority to support a partisan political candidate is an issue that should be taken seriously to deter future violations,” said Walter Shaub, senior director, ethics at CLC, and the former director of the Office of Government Ethics (OGE). “Failure to address this misconduct would send the wrong message. We’re in the unusual circumstance of the presidential election cycle having started only months after the last election, which leaves plenty of time for the violations to multiply if there’s no accountability.”

Shortly before the end of the Obama Administration, in April 2016, then-HUD Secretary Julián Castro was found to be in violation of the Hatch Act when he endorsed Hillary Clinton during a media interview in his government office. In its report on Secretary Castro, OSC wrote, “[I]t is a use of official authority or influence to affect an election when an employee uses his official title while participating in political activity.”

According to the Office of Special Counsel's website: "Federal programs are administered in a nonpartisan fashion, to protect federal employees from political coercion in the workplace, and to ensure that federal employees are advanced based on merit and not based on political affiliation​."

Issues

VICTORY: Federal Court Blocks Latest Version of Texas Voter ID Law

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Texas's Modified Version of the Original Law, SB 5, is Just as Discriminatory as the Original SB 14, Court Says 

A federal court in Texas today permanently blocked Texas latest version of its voter photo ID law, SB 5. Campaign Legal Center represents Texas voters in its challenge to the law in the case Veasey v. Abbott. 

A federal court had already blocked the original Texas voter photo ID law, SB 14, from going into full effect during the 2016 presidential election. During the 2016 elections, an interim process was put into place as a “stop-gap” measure, allowing voters without the required photo ID to vote if they signed a declaration instead. In April of this year, the federal court held that the original law, SB 14, not only harmed minority voters in practice but was passed with the purpose of discriminating against minority voters. Because of this unconstitutional and purposeful discrimination, the court held today that both SB 14 and Texas’s amendments to the law in SB 5 must be invalidated.

Judge Ramos of the Southern District of Texas said Texas’s latest voter photo ID law, SB 5, keeps the same limited forms of photo ID required under SB 14 and therefore carries forward the same “discriminatory features” of the original SB 14 voter photo ID law.

 “Time and time again, federal courts have made it clear that Texas’s strict voter photo ID law is discriminatory,” said Danielle Lang, senior counsel for CLC. “It doesn’t matter how many times the state tries to dress the law in sheep’s clothing – its intent is to discriminate and prevent hundreds of thousands of eligible voters from casting ballots. Now, Texas must return to nondiscriminatory ID practices in voting, which do not require photo ID.” 

Watchdogs File FCC Complaints Regarding Lack of Disclosure in Most Expensive House Race in History

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Today, Campaign Legal Center (CLC) and Issue One filed six complaints with the Federal Communications Commission (FCC) against two Atlanta-based television stations in the aftermath of the special election in Georgia’s 6th Congressional District, which was the most expensive U.S. House election in American history. Much of the battle was waged on the television airwaves, with several “dark money” nonprofits and super PACs spending millions of dollars airing TV advertisements in the district. Some of the major organizations involved — including the Democratic-affiliated groups Patriot Majority USA and House Majority PAC, as well as the Republican-tied National Republican Congressional Committee (NRCC) — failed to properly disclose important information.

“Stations that air political ads have an obligation to ensure that viewers have relevant information about who is attempting to influence their vote," said Brendan Fischer, director of federal and Federal Election Commission reform at CLC. "The FCC must take action to protect the public’s right to basic information about the political ads that flooded Georgia’s airwaves during this year’s special elections.”

“Voters have a right to know who exactly is behind the advertisements that can strongly influence their vote,” said Meredith McGehee, chief of policy, programs and strategy at Issue One. “Without a firm commitment to transparency by the FCC — a principle both Democrats and Republicans agree on — we risk losing the openness and accountability that ensure a functioning democracy.”

Any ad that “communicates a message relating to any political matter of national importance” must be placed into a broadcaster’s political file, and the advertiser must disclose who is behind the ad, as well as list the executive board members, or highest-ranking officers, of the sponsoring group. The legal definition of “a political matter of national importance” includes any election to federal office, so the advertisements run during Georgia’s 6th Congressional District special election clearly qualify.

At least two separate Georgia television stations, WPCH-TV and WSB-TV, failed to require that Patriot Majority USA, House Majority PAC and the NRCC accurately and completely fill out the National Association of Broadcasters (NAB) agreement form. On their NAB agreements, the groups falsely claimed the advertisements were not “a political matter of national importance,” which meant the groups failed to disclose required information such as the office, candidate and/or issue in question. It is time to set the record straight.

The station WPCH-TV failed to disclose information in a political ad sponsored by Patriot Majority USA.

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