CLC Files FEC and Senate Ethics Complaints Against Sen. Ted Cruz for Personal Use of Campaign Funds

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Washington, D.C. – Today, Campaign Legal Center (CLC) filed two complaints against Sen. Ted Cruz and his campaign committee for illegally using campaign funds to promote his book. Cruz receives royalties on book sales, so using campaign funds to promote the book violates the ban on using campaign money for personal gain. The first complaint was filed with the Federal Election Commission (FEC) against Ted Cruz for Senate, and the second complaint was filed with the Senate Ethics Committee against Cruz.

In late 2020, Ted Cruz for Senate spent up to $18,000 on Facebook advertisements exclusively promoting Cruz’s book that urged viewers to “order your copy today,” with a link to purchase the book from online booksellers like Amazon. According to Cruz’s financial disclosure report, he receives 15% royalties on every hardcover copy sold and received a $400,000 advance from the publisher.

“Because Cruz receives royalties from book sales, his campaign crossed a legal line by spending donor funds on Facebook ads promoting sales of that book,” said Brendan Fischer, CLC director of federal reform. “We don’t know how extensive these violations might be because any similar ads that Cruz may have run on platforms other than Facebook or Google are not publicly available.”

“Senate rules are also crystal clear about all members, both current and former, being prohibited from converting federal campaign funds to personal use,” said Delaney Marsco, CLC senior legal counsel for ethics. “Voters must be able to trust that when they are donating to political campaigns, they are doing so to help their favored candidate win or retain their office, not financing their personal endeavors.”

In limited circumstances, the FEC has allowed campaigns to purchase the candidate’s books directly from the publisher to offer as gifts to supporters, provided that the publisher withholds royalties on those purchases. But Cruz instead used campaign funds for online ads that exclusively promoted his book and directed supporters to purchase it from third-party booksellers. 

The FEC, which is the only government agency whose sole responsibility is overseeing the integrity of our political campaigns, and the Senate Ethics Committee must investigate and hold the Ted Cruz for Senate campaign committee and Sen. Cruz accountable for their blatant disregard for campaign finance laws.

At Campaign Legal Center, we are advancing democracy through law. Learn more about our work.

Defending Nonpartisan Civic Engagement Organizations in Georgia (Voter Participation Center v. Raffensperger)

At a Glance

In 2021, Georgia passed a new elections law that severely limits the ability of third parties to provide voters with assistance requesting, obtaining and submitting absentee ballot applications. CLC represents several organizations who distribute absentee ballot applications in challenging this burdensome and unnecessary law.

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About This Case/Action

In March 2021, the Georgia General Assembly passed S.B. 202, an omnibus bill that made numerous changes to Georgia’s election system. Among those changes were new requirements and restrictions on the distribution of absentee ballot applications by third party groups.

These changes to Georgia’s election code prohibit the Secretary of State, county election officials and other government officials from sending absentee ballot applications directly to any voter unless the voter specifically requests one. The law prohibits anyone from providing assistance to a voter by prefilling a voter’s information in an absentee ballot application—a critical tool for many online voter assistance platforms. The new law also requires nongovernment entities to use the official form made available by the Georgia Secretary of State’s office, but mandates that they attach a disclaimer that states, among other things, that the application is not an official government publication and that it was not provided by a government entity, along with the name and contact information of the entity distributing the application. This disclaimer is not only burdensome for organizations who seek to assist voters to request an absentee ballot—it is also confusing for the voter, who may be discouraged from using the provided form based on their reasonable assumption that it will be rejected if it is, “not official.”

Further, this law prohibits any nongovernment third party from sending an absentee ballot application to voters who have already requested, received or voted using an absentee ballot in that election. To comply with this requirement, organizations must check a list periodically provided by the Georgia Secretary of State’s office that contains the names of each voter who has already requested, received or voted via absentee ballot. The statute requires organizations who distribute absentee ballot applications to check against that list before sending an absentee ballot application to a voter. Moreover, Georgia law now imposes a $100 fine for every application sent by an organization to a person who has already requested, received or voted with an absentee ballot—a major financial disincentive for nonprofit groups trying to provide assistance with absentee ballot applications to registered voters.

These new restrictions provide no benefit remotely on par with the severe burden they place on voter advocacy and engagement organizations. While Georgia has a legitimate interest in preventing fraud in elections, the marginal effects of the absentee ballot application distribution restrictions and requirements in S.B. 202 as anti-fraud measures are minimal at best.

Moreover, as Georgia’s recent experience shows, there is no need for additional safeguards in the absentee ballot process. In the 2020 general election and 2021 runoff elections, millions of Georgians requested, received and cast absentee ballots. A statewide audit conducted after the 2020 general election confirmed that there was no fraud or other misconduct in Georgia’s absentee ballot process during that election, and Secretary Raffensperger declared that Georgia’s elections were conducted safely and securely on numerous occasions. Despite that, the Georgia General Assembly ignored the successes of the 2020/2021 elections and the objections of civil rights groups and voters across the state to pass S.B. 202, which includes these impossible time requirements and unnecessary disclaimers that will chill core political speech protected by the First Amendment. Only two other states have disclaimer requirements similar to the ones contained in S.B. 202.

Campaign Legal Center (CLC) represents the Voter Participation Center and the Center for Voter Information, two nonprofit organizations that, among other things, distribute absentee ballot applications to eligible voters in the state of Georgia. Both organizations’ operations will be directly impacted by the disclaimer requirements and other burdensome prohibitions on absentee ballot applications distribution in S.B. 202.

In April 2021, CLC filed suit on behalf of VoteAmerica, the Voter Participation Center and the Center for Voter Information, challenging S.B. 202 as violating those organizations’ First Amendment right to distribute absentee ballot applications as core political speech.

Plaintiffs

The Voter Participation Center and the Center for Voter Information

Defendant

Georgia Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger

CLC, CREW, Common Cause and League of Women Voters of California Urge the Supreme Court to Reject Challenge to California’s Charitable Reporting Law

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WASHINGTON D.C. – Campaign Legal Center (CLC), Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington (CREW), Common Cause and League of Women Voters of California (LWV) submitted an amicus brief to the U.S. Supreme Court (SCOTUS) in Americans for Prosperity Foundation v. Becerra.     

The brief urges the Court to uphold California’s law that requires charitable groups active in the state to file nonpublic tax reports – Schedule Bs – with the state Attorney General (AG) listing their largest donors.

The state has asserted that the law requiring nonpublic reports is necessary to effectively enforce its tax and nonprofit laws and prevent charitable fraud. In California, the Schedule B form is kept confidential and used only for governmental oversight purposes.

But the petitioners Americans for Prosperity Foundation (AFPF) and the Thomas More Law Center refused to submit their Schedule B donor reports to the AG’s office and brought this lawsuit against the California AG, claiming that the confidential submission of the Schedule B will violate their First Amendment rights by exposing the handful of major donors that appear on each group’s Schedule B form—many of whom contribute above a million dollars annually—to harassment and threats.

To support their claims, AFPF and the Law Center likened themselves and the potential harassment faced by their major donors to that of NAACP members during the civil rights movement in Alabama. The petitioners are making this bold claim to urge the Court to either strike down California’s law as unconstitutional on its face or grant both groups an exemption from the reporting requirement—even though the state requirement is functionally identical to their nonpublic reporting obligations under federal tax laws, which the petitioners are not challenging.

In positioning their case at the Supreme Court, the petitioners explicitly disavow any intent to challenge public and electoral transparency laws. Instead, they are asking the Court to ratchet up the standard of review applied in disclosure cases only when they involve nonpublic financial disclosures to government regulators—but a broad ruling accepting that theory could make it harder to defend all disclosure laws in court.

Petitioners are also claiming the unique exemption from disclosure laws that the Supreme Court created in Buckley v. Valeo to protect historically marginalized groups facing severe persecution and harassment. Unlike the disclosure law in Buckley, however, California’s law requires confidential reporting, so there is no reasonable chance that the petitioners’ major donors will be exposed to any public hostility; by conflating their circumstances with those of marginalized groups, the petitioners threaten to expand the disclosure exemption, potentially putting other transparency measures at risk in the future, including disclosure of money spent on elections.

“This case has nothing to do with elections or any claimed interests in public transparency,” stated Paul Smith, vice president at CLC. “A case about the constitutionality of California’s confidential tax reporting law should not be permitted to dilute the Court’s well-established precedents endorsing voters’ right to know who is spending money to influence our elections and our government. This case should not be used as a vehicle to expand exemptions from transparency in election spending to any deep-pocketed, politically active group that attracts public criticism for messages to evade disclosure.”

“Shielding the rich donors who give enormous sums to organizations like Americans for Prosperity Foundation and Thomas Moore Law Center removes any semblance of accountability,” said Stuart McPhail, senior litigation counsel at CREW. “When it comes to understanding how organizations like these operate, especially those groups with tremendous public influence, it's imperative their financial records are accessible and transparent. The First Amendment not only permits such transparency but is advanced when transparency leads to speech used to hold the powerful to account.” 

“This suit is truly a solution in search of a problem that does not in fact exist,” said Beth A. Rotman, money in politics & ethics program director at Common Cause. “The disclosure requirement being challenged is disclosure solely to the state of California, and their filings are exempted from FOIA requests, so the public will never see their lists of donors.”

“The League joined this case to stand against the spreading influence of dark money in politics,” said Stephanie Doute, executive director of the League of Women Voters of California. “Financial disclosure rules are essential to ensure accountability for political influence, and this case could have dangerous implications for campaign finance transparency. The wealthiest political donors should not be able to influence our politics in secret. This case is just another example of wealthy special interests trying to chip away at transparency in politics.” 

Read the full brief

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