Thompson v. Hebdon

At a Glance

Thompson v. Hebdon is a First Amendment challenge to Alaska’s campaign finance law, including its contribution limits for state legislative candidates and its limit on contributions from out-of-state donors. CLC filed a friend-of-the-court brief in the Ninth Circuit Court.

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Closed
Updated
About This Case/Action

Summary

Thompson v. Hebdon is a First Amendment challenge to Alaska’s campaign finance law, including its contribution limits for state legislative candidates and its limit on contributions from out-of-state donors. For decades, the Supreme Court has acknowledged that the contribution limits serve the important goal of preventing corruption and the appearance of corruption, while not significantly burdening First Amendment rights.

What’s at Stake?

Thirty-nine states and countless local governments limit the amount of money donors can contribute to candidates. Courts have long recognized that these laws are effective tools at preventing corruption and its appearance. If the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals adopts Thompson’s proposed rigorous standard of review, contribution limits across the country will be opened up to new scrutiny and decades of settled law will be called into question. This would hamstring the ability of state and local governments to fight corruption.

Background

Alaska has had a long history of exploitation by out-of-state energy extraction companies. It relies on those companies and their out-of-state workers for approximately 90% of the state’s budget. Alaska has also experienced its fair share of corruption scandals involving campaign contributions.

In 1996, the Alaska legislature enacted a campaign finance reform law based on a proposed initiative that likely would have passed that November. Among other things, the law set a $500 annual contribution limit to candidates for state office ($1,000 over a two-year election cycle), and set aggregate caps on how much each candidate could take from out-of-state donors. In 2003, the state legislature increased the base contribution limits from $500 to $1,000 per year. But in 2006, out of concern for the corrupting potential of larger donations, 73% of Alaskans voted to move the limits back to their earlier $500 level.

Several plaintiffs brought a First Amendment case against Alaska’s base contribution limit, its aggregate out-of-state donor limit, and two other types of contribution limits. David Thompson, a Wisconsin resident, wished to donate to his brother-in-law’s campaign for the Alaska State House of Representatives despite the fact that his brother-in-law had already met the $3,000 cap on donations he could take from nonresidents. Aaron Downing and Jim Crawford, meanwhile, wanted to donate more than $500 a year to their favored candidates. The district court upheld the base limits and the nonresident contribution cap, along with the other challenged limits.

The plaintiffs appealed the case to the Ninth Circuit. On appeal, the plaintiffs ask the court to reject longstanding precedent upholding contribution limits as constitutional. Instead, they ask the court to adopt a rigorous standard of review, which would eliminate decades of deference courts have granted to legislatures in determining whether to adopt contribution limits and which dollar level to choose.

CLC filed a friend-of-the-court brief on July 26, 2017, arguing that Alaska’s contribution limits should be upheld. CLC’s brief points to how the Supreme Court resolved this issue long ago—that Alaska has the right to employ contribution limits as a means of preventing corruption and its appearance and that the court should defer to its judgment in setting the right amount for those limits. It also explains that Alaska’s unique vulnerability to quid pro quo corruption involving nonresidents gives the state a compelling reason to adopt aggregate contribution limits for out-of-state donors.

Plaintiffs

David Thompson, et al.

Defendant

Heather Hebdon (Executive Director of Alaska Public Offices Commission)

White House is Playing Politics with Interim Ethics Director

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WASHINGTON – Walter Shaub, senior director, ethics at Campaign Legal Center (CLC), and former director of the Office of Government Ethics (OGE), released the following statement about President Trump’s appointment of David J. Apol as Acting Director of OGE:

“It’s unfortunate that the White House decided to play politics with the interim director role. If they have someone they like, they should formally nominate that person to be permanent director. This sort of political interference creates the appearance that the White House may be hoping to engineer looser oversight by reaching down and leapfrogging a career employee over his own supervisor temporarily.

Under the Vacancies Reform Act, the role of OGE’s acting director automatically goes to OGE’s highest ranking career official, the Chief of Staff, unless the president overrides that designation. OGE announced today that the White House has replaced the acting director with a lower level OGE employee, the General Counsel. This way, the White House gets to install its preferred candidate without having a Senate confirmation hearing in which it would have to face tough questions about how the nominee would address the administration’s ethics problems.”

Issues

CREW v. FEC (CHGO)

At a Glance

This case presents an opportunity to reassert the important role of federal judges in holding the FEC accountable to its mandate when the commissioners are evenly divided on an enforcement question.

Status
Closed
Updated
About This Case/Action

About the case

The Center for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington (CREW) filed an administrative complaint with the Federal Election Commission (FEC) in 2011, alleging that a group called the Commission on Hope, Growth and Opportunity (CHGO)—which spent millions of dollars on political advertising ahead of the 2010 elections—violated federal campaign finance law by failing to make required disclosures about its spending.

More than four years later, the FEC deadlocked three-three on whether to take action on CREW’s complaint, and the administrative case was closed as a result. This lawsuit challenges the decision of the three commissioners who voted against taking action.

What’s at stake?

This case presents an opportunity to reassert the important role of federal judges in holding the FEC accountable to its mandate when the commissioners are evenly divided on an enforcement question.

The integrity of federal elections depends on an FEC that enforces the law, including its crucial transparency rules. However, three commissioners on the six-member FEC—which requires four affirmative votes to take most actions—have repeatedly voted together to prevent enforcement action in recent years, allowing violations like the ones CHGO allegedly committed to go unchecked.

When the FEC deadlocks on an enforcement decision and dismisses a private party’s complaint, that party can seek review in the federal district court in Washington, D.C. But parties challenging the FEC in these lawsuits sometimes face an unwarranted obstacle: the courts, relying on outdated precedent, give extreme deference to the commissioners who voted against enforcement, tilting the playing field toward inaction. Now, the federal appeals court in D.C. has a chance to clarify that judges should closely scrutinize the reasoning of the no-action bloc in a tied FEC vote.

Case Details

CHGO formed in 2010 and told the Internal Revenue Service that it was a “social welfare” organization with no plans to spend money to influence elections. This allowed it to avoid disclosing its donors. In reality, however, CHGO spent millions of dollars on television ads about candidates in the 2010 elections. In 2012, after CREW pointed this out to the FEC, CHGO dissolved itself to avoid legal jeopardy.

After reviewing the evidence, the FEC’s Office of General Counsel (OGC) recommended that the FEC find “reason to believe” that CHGO violated reporting and disclaimer requirements for its political ads and illegally failed to register as a “political committee.” The FEC deadlocked in October 2015 on whether to follow OGC’s advice.

CREW filed this lawsuit in November 2015, seeking to set aside the no-action commissioners’ decision.

The district court ruled for the FEC in February 2017. The court did not decide whether the no-action commissioners’ arguments were ultimately correct, but applied a “highly deferential standard” and held that the reasons offered by the no-action commissioners to justify their votes met that standard. CREW has appealed the district court’s ruling to the D.C. Circuit Court of Appeals.

The Importance of FEC Action

CLC and Dēmos filed a friend-of-the-court brief in the D.C. Circuit on July 5, 2017.

The brief argues that the court should reject the no-action commissioners’ claim that the statute of limitations on CHGO’s disclosure violations had run out. This claim is not entitled to deference because the FEC has no particular authority or expertise related to the statute of limitations, and because the claim was made in the context of a three-three deadlock.

In a 2000 decision, the D.C. Circuit held that no-action commissioners in a tied FEC vote could receive deference under Chevron USA v. NRDC, the U.S. Supreme Court’s landmark 1984 decision on judicial review of agencies’ statutory interpretations. However, as CLC’s brief explains, Sealed Case is inconsistent with the Supreme Court’s more recent decision in U.S. v. Mead Corp. (2001), which limited Chevron deference to situations where the agency’s interpretation carries the “force of law.” Deadlocked votes do not meet this standard. A tie doesn’t decide anything at the FEC, and the D.C. Circuit should clarify that neither side of the tie receives deference.

The brief also argues that the no-action commissioners’ remaining arguments fail to justify the dismissal of the complaint. The law clearly requires CHGO to register as a political committee, and CHGO’s defunct status would not prevent the FEC from mandating disclosure from the group’s former agents. 

Plaintiffs

Center for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington (CREW)

Defendant

Federal Election Commission (FEC)

Statement by Trevor Potter on the Presidential Advisory Commission on Election Integrity (Pence-Kobach Commission)

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Trevor Potter, president of Campaign Legal Center (CLC) and a former Republican chairman of the Federal Election Commission (FEC), released the following statement on the Presidential Advisory Commission on Election Integrity, which has its first meeting scheduled today:

“Our elections face serious concerns including attempted foreign cyber intrusions, partisan motivated voter suppression, and the desperate need for modernization of our election administration and voting technology. Voters should demand a true bipartisan effort to tackle these problems.

Rather than address these pressing issues in a bipartisan manner, this presidential commission already seems to be blindly focused on manufacturing evidence to support its own foregone conclusions to further partisan objectives. This commission has no meaningful bipartisan credentials and its purpose is based on false charges of voter fraud that have already been repeatedly disproven. Sadly, the work of this commission promises only to further undermine and erode faith in our electoral process.

In the past two decades, there have been several truly bipartisan commissions that have produced reputable reports on how to improve our elections. If this commission wanted to investigate current problems facing U.S. elections, it could continue that work and explore ways to improve election administration, including the cybersecurity of our election systems and the growing need for better election infrastructure. Instead, this commission is focused on a misguided effort to advance one party’s political goals. The bipartisan work to improve our elections will continue but this commission is not a part of it.”

Trump, Jr., Kushner, Manafort Violated Foreign Solicitation Ban, Watchdogs Allege in Complaints

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Today CLC, Common Cause, and Democracy 21 filed a complaint with the U.S. Department of Justice (DOJ) and the Federal Election Commission (FEC) supplementing a complaint filed by Common Cause on Monday. The expanded complaint alleges that Jared Kushner and Paul Manafort illegally solicited a contribution from a foreign national, and that Kushner, Manafort and Rob Goldstone illegally assisted Donald Trump Jr. in soliciting an illegal political contribution from a foreign national on behalf of the Trump 2016 presidential campaign.

The illegally solicited contribution was in the form of opposition research information, allegedly offered by Russians with ties to the Russian Government and described as damaging to the candidacy of Democratic Party nominee Hillary Clinton. The original complaint, filed by Common Cause, named only Donald Trump Jr. and the Trump campaign committee, but is being expanded with today’s filing in light of new information published Tuesday via Twitter by Trump Jr. himself in the e-mail exchanges about the meeting with a Russian lawyer, set up by Goldstone and attended by Kushner and Manafort.

"The evidence is clear that Don Jr. knew that the offer of opposition campaign research came from the Russian government, and the law is clear that giving such valuable research for free would have been a contribution to the Trump campaign,” said Brendan Fischer, director, federal & FEC reform program at Campaign Legal Center (CLC). “By soliciting that contribution and arranging and attending a meeting to receive it, Don Jr. clearly violated the prohibition against soliciting a contribution from a foreign national."

“The e-mails released by Donald Trump Jr. reveal, in no uncertain term, his choice to place his blind support for his father’s candidacy before any allegiance to the nation’s security,” said Karen Hobert Flynn, president of Common Cause. “Democracy is not a real estate deal or a New York solid waste pickup contract, but that is how these three Trump campaign officials treated it in agreeing to meet to accept opposition research they believed came from the Russian government. These revelations require prompt and thorough investigation by the DOJ and FEC for the good of the nation.” 

“The complaint we have filed today is based on information revealed by Donald Trump Jr. that has exploded the argument repeatedly made by President Trump and his associates that there were no contacts by the Trump campaign with Russian actors regarding Russian efforts to interfere in the 2016 presidential election,” said Democracy 21 president Fred Wertheimer. “It turns out the President’s own son is Exhibit 1 in demonstrating that the Trump claims of no contacts with Russian actors were not true. Knowingly soliciting contributions, i.e. anything of value to a campaign, from foreign sources is a very serious offense. It is incumbent on the Justice Department and the FEC to investigate the matters set forth in the complaint and take appropriate action.”

Trump Jr. chose to release his e-mail exchange with Goldstone about the meeting with someone he was told was a Russian government attorney, after he was questioned about the exchange by The New York Times, which had obtained the emails through other channels.

The e-mails, which Trump Jr. verified are legitimate, show a clear violation of federal campaign finance law. Trump Jr. received an email from Goldstone offering  valuable “official documents and information that would incriminate Hillary” collected by the Russian government, responded that he “appreciate[d]” the offer and that he “love[d] it.” Trump Jr. then enthusiastically requested a call with Russian Emin Agalarov to receive the offered information, which Trump described as “Political Opposition Research.” This request by Trump for a call with Agalarov to receive information on Clinton is a solicitation of a contribution under federal campaign finance law. Trump then forwarded the exchange to Kushner and Manafort, under the subject line of “Russia – Clinton – private and confidential,” and a meeting with an intermediary described as a Russian government attorney was scheduled and held by the three campaign officials at Trump Tower in New York.

Whether or not Trump Jr., Kushner and Manafort actually received that information remains in question but the request of the meeting itself constitutes a solicitation of a contribution in violation of federal law.

Pursuant to the FEC commissioners' September 2016 agreement to prioritize expedited treatment of complaints regarding foreign national contributions, review of our complaint should be fast-tracked.

To read the FEC complaint, click here.

To read the DOJ complaint, click here.

CLC, D21 Complaint: Tom Price Violated Law By Using Campaign Funds to Secure HHS Confirmation

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WASHINGTON – Campaign Legal Center (CLC) and Democracy 21 filed a complaint today with the Federal Election Commission (FEC) alleging Tom Price violated federal law by illegally using congressional campaign funds to support his confirmation as President Trump’s Health and Human Services Secretary, in violation of the prohibition on using campaign funds for personal use.

“Federal law is clear that congressional campaign funds are to be used to support a run for Congress or one’s duties as a Member of Congress—not so you can land a job after Congress,” said Brendan Fischer, director of CLC’s federal and FEC reform program. “The corrupting potential of campaign contributions is amplified if officeholders can use the funds for their own personal benefit.”

In January, as Price’s nomination to lead HHS was pending before the U.S. Senate, his campaign committee, Price for Congress, paid $40,000 to America Rising, a self-described “opposition research and communications organization,” which then promoted research and videos promoting Price’s confirmation. America Rising also promoted the confirmation of other Trump cabinet nominees, but only Price paid the group with campaign funds.

“The FEC should investigate whether Secretary Price improperly used campaign funds for personal benefit by transferring funds to a group that advocated for his confirmation as Secretary,” said Donald Simon, counsel to Democracy 21. “Price’s use of his campaign funds appears to have violated the law prohibiting the personal use of campaign funds, and the FEC should take appropriate action.”

Several prominent Members of Congress have been convicted for personal use violations in recent years, including Rep. Aaron Schock (R-IL), Rep. Jesse L. Jackson, Jr. (D-IL), and Sen. Larry E. Craig (R-ID).

Read the complaint

OGE Director Walter M. Shaub, Jr. to Join CLC and Lead Ethics Practice

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WASHINGTON – Walter M. Shaub, Jr., director of the United States Office of Government Ethics (OGE), will join Campaign Legal Center (CLC) as Senior Director, Ethics, beginning on July 19.

“I have had the honor and privilege of serving the American public at the U.S. Office of Government Ethics under three presidents – George W. Bush, Barack Obama and Donald Trump,” said Shaub. “In working with the current administration, it has become clear to me that we need improvements to the existing ethics program. I look forward to working toward that aim at Campaign Legal Center, as well as working on ethics reforms at all levels of government.”

Shaub, who submitted his resignation as OGE director this afternoon, will expand the capacity of CLC’s ethics program, which has a long track record of holding government officials accountable on both sides of the political aisle.

Over the past several administrations, CLC has been instrumental in not only watchdogging public officials, but also shaping and advancing ethics legislation, including the Honest Leadership and Open Government in 2007, which created the Office of Congressional Ethics (OCE).   

Shaub will work with Larry Noble, senior director and general counsel at CLC, who has been a strong voice for ethics laws and currently serves as a regular contributor on the topic to CNN. CLC will continue to address violations of the ethics laws, issue policy recommendations and educate the public on the importance of ethics to a functioning democracy.

“It’s imperative that we sustain a culture of high ethical standards in our government,” said Trevor Potter, president of CLC and a former Republican chairman of the Federal Election Commission. “Walt, in serving the American public at the OGE under three presidents, has demonstrated the highest level of professionalism and integrity. All of us at CLC are thrilled to have him join us in our continuing work to protect and improve our democracy.” 

Read Walt's bio.

Issues

Alabama Must Immediately Educate Voters About Updates to State’s Felony Disenfranchisement Law

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CLC takes legal action following Secretary of State Merrill’s refusal to implement the law 

Campaign Legal Center today asked a federal court to immediately order the state of Alabama to implement the Felony Voter Disqualification Act (HB 282) (signed May 25, 2017) by educating and advising voters of the law, and ensuring that voters who are eligible are added back to the state’s voter rolls.

Alabama Secretary of State John Merrill told the Huffington Post he was “not going to spend state resources” educating Alabamians about the updates to the law, even though the state had previously inaccurately told many voters they could not vote, but thanks to the clarity in the law with HB 282, will now be able to vote. The Secretary of State has yet to update AlabamaVotes.gov, voter registration forms, or any other public materials to advise voters of the eligibility requirements.

CLC’s motion calls for the court to immediately order the state to take a series of actions to effectively implement the law before the next statewide election on August 15, 2017.

“This law has the potential to ensure eligible voters – who never should have been denied the right to vote in the first place – can now vote,” said Danielle Lang, senior counsel for Campaign Legal Center, which is representing 10 plaintiffs in a lawsuit challenging the state’s felony disenfranchisement law. “The state is responsible for correcting the confusion that has wrongly disenfranchised voters for decades. In order for HB 282 to have any meaningful effect, Alabama must notify voters about their right, and ensure they are able to successfully cast a ballot going forward.”

HB 282 provides a comprehensive list of crimes that “involve moral turpitude.” The state’s felony disenfranchisement law, originally enacted in 1901, denies individuals who have committed a crime of “moral turpitude” from registering to vote, unless they file further paperwork, pay significant fines and fees and have their right to vote restored by the state.

Yet, until the passage of HB 282, the state had never defined what constituted a crime that “involved moral turpitude,” confusing eligible voters of whether or not they could vote. And the state denied voters the ability to vote, claiming their crime was one of moral turpitude when it was not.

The passage of HB 282 does not fully resolve Alabama’s deeply troublesome felon disenfranchisement laws. The process is still inherently racially discriminatory and overbroad, permanently disenfranchising many individuals, including many convicted of non-violent crimes. The law also does not address Alabama’s system of conditioning restoration of the right to vote based on wealth by requiring the payment of fines and fees – a clear constitutional violation.