FCC Has Failed to Protect Voters' Right to Know Who Is Behind Political Ads in Election 2016

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New Report & FCC Complaint Highlight How Frequently Broadcast Stations Neglect to Collect and Report Political Ad Sponsors; Letter Deplores FCC’s Failed Promise for Aggressive Enforcement.  

The Campaign Legal Center, Common Cause, Sunlight Foundation and Benton Foundation today filed a complaint with the Federal Communications Commission urging the agency to take immediate action against WCPO-TV of Cincinnati for failure to comply with the longstanding public file requirements of Section 315 of the Communications Act. The complaint was accompanied by a letter to FCC Chairman Tom Wheeler, chastising the commission for doing “absolutely nothing” to enforce public file rules.

The groups are represented by the Institute for Public Representation of Georgetown University Law Center (IPR).    

“The public file requirements of the Communications Act play an important role in providing transparency in our electoral system, especially post-Citizens United,” said Meredith McGehee, policy director for the Campaign Legal Center. “As the number of super PACs buying up television and radio airtime increases, the transparency of who is behind political ads is becoming increasingly murky. It is the FCC’s responsibility to ensure stations disclose information about who pays for advertisements. The FCC, in its failure to enforce laws that protect voters’ right to know, has clearly led broadcasters to freely ignore existing regulations with impunity.”

The letter from IPR on behalf of CLC, Common Cause, Sunlight Foundation and Benton Foundation reminds Chairman Wheeler about the commission’s “abject failure” to resolve 11 public file complaints pending since May 2014, despite his assurance that “We take political file complaints seriously and anticipate resolving these quickly.” The letter underscores that the law is intended to protect Americans’ right to know who is behind political ads and who is trying to persuade voters. 

Andrew Jay Schwartzman, Benton Senior Counselor at IPR, stressed, "It is regrettable that we have had to send this letter and a new complaint, but as the new report demonstrates, broadcasters are ignoring their duty to serve the public and the FCC has shown no interest in demonstrating that they face any consequences for their non-compliance."

“Holding broadcasters accountable for their political advertising disclosures is as important as food labeling,” said Benton Foundation Executive Director Adrianne B. Furniss. “Television stations have an essential public interest obligation to provide the public with information about who’s buying broadcast time. But this complaint demonstrates that broadcasters are not making the grade. The law demands that we get as much information about the TV ads that comes into our living rooms as the food that comes into our kitchens.”

Todd O’Boyle, program director for Common Cause’s Media and Democracy Reform Initiative, stated, “Secret money spending is out of control, and it leaves voters in the dark. It is past time that the FCC give the people the transparency they need and the law requires.”

The complaint against WCPO-TV, a Scripps Media, Inc. provides direct evidence of the FCC’s failures. The law requires that broadcasters upload a variety of information identifying the sponsor of political ads to an online public file, which is part of an FCC database. In 16 of 17 of the WCPO-TV’s files for non-candidate sponsors of national issue advertising, it did not provide information required by the Communications Act and FCC rules, undermining the transparency of the public filing system.

Today’s complaint is further corroborated by research conducted by CLC and released today in a new report, Who’s Behind That Political Ad?: The FCC’s Online Political Files and Failures in Sponsorship Identification Regulation. CLC examined 1,220 political files of TV broadcasters in key electoral battleground states – Florida, Ohio, Wisconsin and Pennsylvania – and more than one-third (35 percent) of forms from these battleground states uploaded to the FCC’s database contained incomplete and inaccurate sponsorship identification.

 

CLC and the Southern Coalition for Social Justice File Lawsuit Over North Carolina’s Partisan Gerrymandered Congressional Districts

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WASHINGTON, D.C. - The Campaign Legal Center and the Southern Coalition for Social Justice filed a complaint today on behalf of the League of Women Voters of North Carolina and numerous individual voters, arguing that North Carolina’s 2016 congressional redistricting plan violates the 1st and 14th Amendments of the U.S. Constitution. League of Women Voters of North Carolina v. Rucho was filed in the U.S. District Court for the Middle District of North Carolina. North Carolina’s 2016 redistricting plan was drafted during a special legislative session after a federal three-judge panel ruled that previous maps were unconstitutional racial gerrymanders.
 
In 1986, the U.S. Supreme Court held that partisan gerrymandering claims present a legal controversy that courts could potentially resolve. However, to date, the court has not agreed on an acceptable standard to determine when a partisan gerrymander is unconstitutional. League of Women Voters of North Carolina v. Rucho offers an empirical analysis to demonstrate the extent to which an extreme gerrymander exists. That analysis is called the efficiency gap, which captures the packing and cracking among a plan’s districts in a single number. This is the first case since Whitford v. Gill in Wisconsin to present the efficiency gap as a legal standard to determine if a partisan gerrymander is too extreme.
 
CLC Executive Director Gerry Hebert released the following statement on the filing:
 
When it comes to congressional districts, North Carolina's are an extreme and egregious partisan gerrymander. Packing and cracking voters in districts based on their political ideology and voting history classifies voters in an invidious manner unrelated to any legitimate legislative objective. Radical partisan gerrymandering like that in this case turns democracy on its head. For the sake of North Carolina voters and voters across our nation, this practice must come to an end. The implementation of our efficiency gap standard would go a long way in ensuring that every voter is entitled to equal protection under the law and having their voice heard.”
 
Southern Coalition for Social Justice Executive Director Anita Earls released the following statement on the filling:
 
“The Constitution guarantees everyone’s right to participate equally in an electoral system that does not discriminate against them because of their beliefs. It is clear that the intent and effect of creating North Carolina’s 2016 congressional maps were to manipulate the democratic process. The result disparages voters and ensures that one party can maintain political power even when a majority of the state’s voters do not support them.”
 
The efficiency gap, developed by Nicholas Stephanopoulos and Eric McGhee, is the difference between the parties’ respective wasted votes in an election, divided by the total number of votes cast. Wasted votes are: (1) any vote cast for a losing candidate; and (2) votes cast for a winning candidate in excess of the number needed to win. More information about wasted votes and how efficiency gaps are calculated is below.
 
According to the complaint, North Carolina's efficiency gaps in 2012 and 2014 "exhibited pro-Republican partisan biases larger than 25 percent—[] by far the worst in North Carolina’s modern history and at the far edge of the nationwide distribution." (p. 16).  
 
About the Efficiency Gap:

The efficiency gap determines how close a redistricting plan is to reaching partisan symmetry, which means whether or not similarly-situated political parties are treated equally in a redistricting plan. According to the Campaign Legal Center, “[a] lower number means both parties are treated more equally in the way they can convert votes into seats. A higher number means one party has an advantage in the way it translates its vote share into seat share.”
 

Holmes v. FEC

At a Glance

The Federal Election Campaign Act (FECA) sets individual contribution limits to federal candidates at $2,700 per election — with primaries, general elections, runoffs and special elections each counted separately.

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About This Case/Action

About

The Federal Election Campaign Act (FECA) sets individual contribution limits to federal candidates at $2,700 per election — with primaries, general elections, runoffs and special elections each counted separately.

Maintaining contribution limits are critical to ensuring that everyone plays by the same common-sense rules. Contribution limits help keep candidates focused on engaging average voters, rather than doing the bidding of just a handful of wealthy donors.

The plaintiffs in this case sought to donate two times the base limit in the 2014 general election, arguing that, since they did not donate anything in the primary, they should be able to double their contribution in the general. Because the base limits total $5,400 when the primary and general election limits are added together, the plaintiffs claim that a $5,400 contribution cannot corrupt candidates who make it into the general election. The plaintiffs assert that “bifurcating” these limits does not serve an anti-corruption (or other) purpose that is not already served by having a $5,400 total base limit.

The Supreme Court has repeatedly counseled that, since base limits on individual contributions are constitutional, courts must defer to legislative judgments (in this case Congressional judgments) regarding the dollar amounts of those limits. The same principle applies to other details about how those limits are structured. The plaintiffs in this case seek to chip away at that deference, and to thereby heighten the scrutiny placed on every aspect of campaign finance laws. The case will be heard by the full panel of the Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit. The Campaign Legal Center and Democracy 21 have filed friend-of-the-court briefs supporting the Federal Election Commission.

Read our blog.

Update

On November 28, 2017, the DC Circuit issued an opinion rejecting hte challenge to FECA's contribution limits. The opinion cites the arguments laid out in CLC's friend-of-the-court brief.

Plaintiffs

Holmes

Defendant

FEC

Supreme Court Should Reject New Standard for Racial Gerrymandering Cases

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CLC Files Friend-of-the-Court Brief in Virginia racial gerrymandering case

The Campaign Legal Center today filed a friend-of-the-court brief in the Supreme Court of the United States in Bethune-Hill v. Virginia State Board of Elections, a case of critical importance for the future of racial gerrymandering cases.

In 2010, the Virginia Assembly redrew legislative districts in a way that diminished minority voters’ impact in electing candidates of their choice. The district court recognized that the state improperly sorted voters based on race, but created an unsupported new legal standard upholding the districts.

“The district court erred in its constitutional analysis in deciding this case,” said Gerry Hebert, executive director of the Campaign Legal Center. “The U.S. Supreme Court must step in so that voters can continue to effectively succeed in challenging unconstitutional racial gerrymanders where legislatures improperly sort voters on the basis of their race for no constitutional purpose.”

CLC’s brief supports the Virginia citizens and voters challenging the state’s racial gerrymander by laying out direct evidence of racial intent in the creation of the legislative districts and urges the court to overturn the district court’s decision.

The Campaign Legal Center was joined on the brief by the League of Women Voters, The Voting Rights Institute, the Racial Justice Project at New York Law School, the National Council of Jewish Women and the National Association of Social Workers Democracy.

Issues

Bethune-Hill v. Virginia State Board of Elections

At a Glance

In the wake of the 2010 census, the Virginia General Assembly redrew the legislative districts for the Virginia House of Delegates and the Senate of Virginia. The General Assembly purposely drew 12 districts to each have a set majority population of minorities — specifically, an African American voting age population that met or exceeded a pre-determined 55 percent threshold. In so doing, the Virginia legislature did not consider whether such a high concentration of minorities in those districts was necessary to enable minority voters to elect candidates of their choice in those districts or, instead, merely diminished minority voters’ impact elsewhere in the state.

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About This Case/Action

About the Case

In the wake of the 2010 census, the Virginia General Assembly redrew the legislative districts for the Virginia House of Delegates and the Senate of Virginia. The General Assembly purposely drew 12 districts to each have a set majority population of minorities — specifically, an African American voting age population that met or exceeded a pre-determined 55 percent threshold. In so doing, the Virginia legislature did not consider whether such a high concentration of minorities in those districts was necessary to enable minority voters to elect candidates of their choice in those districts or, instead, merely diminished minority voters’ impact elsewhere in the state.

Virginia citizens and voters residing in the districts brought this challenge to Virginia’s 12 majority-minority districts as unlawful gerrymanders that improperly sorted voters primarily based on their race.

What’s At Stake

Adoption of the district court’s earlier standard would have dangerous consequences for racial gerrymandering cases. Under that standard, state legislatures that unconstitutionally sort people solely by race in drawing districts would be insulated from legal challenges, so long as the legislatures draw the districts neatly enough. In other words, race-based drawing of districts would be excused where it superficially conforms to other neutral criteria.

Moreover, race-based drawing of districts would also be excused wherever the racial sorting coincides with partisan benefits. Given the close intersection of race and politics, this rule would practically render racial gerrymandering challenges a nullity.

When the Supreme Court last considered this case, the Campaign Legal Center submitted a friend-of-the-court brief in support of the Virginia citizens and voters who challenged Virginia’s racial gerrymander. The League of Women Voters, the Voting Rights Institute, the National Council of Jewish Women and the Racial Justice Project at New York Law School also signed on to the brief.

Plaintiffs

Bethune-Hill

Defendant

Virginia State Board of Elections

Voting Rights Advocates File Lawsuit Challenging Georgia’s Restrictive Exact-Match Voter Registration Verification Scheme

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Exact-Match Verification Scheme has Prevented Tens of Thousands of Eligible Georgians from Registering to Vote, the Majority of Whom are African-American, Latino, and Asian American Citizens

WASHINGTON – The Campaign Legal Center (CLC), filed suit today on behalf of the Georgia State Conference of the NAACP (GA NAACP), Georgia Coalition for the Peoples’ Agenda (GCPA) and Asian Americans Advancing Justice – Atlanta alleging that Georgia’s exact-match voter registration verification scheme violates the Voting Rights Act of 1965 and denies eligible Georgians of their fundamental right to vote under the First and Fourteenth Amendments to the United States Constitution.

The complaint, filed in the United States District Court for the Northern District of Georgia, concerns Georgia’s voter registration verification process, which requires all of the letters and numbers comprising the applicant’s name, date of birth, driver’s license number or last four digits of the Social Security number to exactly match the same letters and numbers for the applicant in the state’s Department of Drivers Service (DDS) or Social Security Administration (SSA) databases. If even a single letter or number, or a hyphen, space or apostrophe, does not exactly match the database information, and the applicant fails to correct the mismatch in 40 days, the application is automatically rejected and the applicant is not placed on the registration rolls even if they are eligible to vote. For those who attempt to re-register, there is no guarantee that the application will not be cancelled again if the information supplied in the original application was correct and the matching failure was due to a data entry error by the election clerk or when the information was originally entered into the DDS or SSA databases.

Worse, this process is resulting in the cancellation of applications submitted by African American, Latino, and Asian American applicants at rates significantly higher than White applicants. For example, of the approximately 34,874 voter registration applicants whose applications were cancelled between July 2013 and July 15, 2016, with a status reason of “Not Verified,” approximately 22,189 (63.6 percent) identified as Black, 2,752 (7.9 percent) identified as Latino, 1,665 (4.8 percent) identified as Asian-American, and 4,748 (13.6 percent) identified as White.

What makes this process so unpredictable and unduly burdensome for applicants is that even perfect applications can fail the matching process, through no fault of the applicant, because of data entry errors in the creation of the database records, inherent limitations in the matching software and algorithms that are used to compare the data, system glitches, and other problems that applicants have no ability themselves to discern or to correct.

The Social Security Administration’s Office of Inspector General issued a report in June 2009 admitting that the flaws and errors in the SSA’s voter registration verification system were preventing eligible applicants to register to vote. Despite this, Georgia has continued to maintain an error-prone system that disenfranchises thousands of applicants each year.

“We are bringing this suit under the Constitution, and under Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act of 1965, which prohibits voting practices or procedures that discriminate on the basis of race, color, or membership in a language-minority group,” explained Michelle Kanter Cohen, election counsel with Project Vote. “The staggering disproportion in Georgia's rejection rates makes it clear that Georgians of color are being unfairly disenfranchised by this flawed and unfair process.”

“Young people, senior citizens and Georgians who are new to the state are being unnecessarily disenfranchised by Georgia’s voter registration verification process,” said Helen Butler, executive director of the Georgia Coalition for the Peoples’ Agenda, one of the plaintiffs in the action. “While it is gratifying to see young people taking an interest in participating in our democracy, I worry about how this process may discourage them from voting in their first presidential election only to learn that they have been denied the right to vote because of an error-prone and flawed process.”

Stephanie Cho, executive director of Asian Americans Advancing Justice – Atlanta, which is also a plaintiff in the case, is concerned that the exact match protocol is making it unnecessarily difficult for Asian American applicants to successfully complete the registration process. “Many Asian Americans have traditional names which may be unfamiliar to election clerks responsible for entering their registration data into the statewide registration system,” she noted.  “Therefore, they may omit a space between an applicant’s first name and middle name, or include a hyphen that the applicant does not use or even transpose a single letter or number.  Failures to match can occur when Asian American applicants use their surname as the first name, which is a common practice for traditional Korean-American applicants. There is no legitimate reason to cancel applications for the failure to match the databases under these circumstances or on such a short timeline when this practice prevents eligible applicants from being able to vote.”

“Georgia is one of the few states that continues to disenfranchise eligible citizens based upon a strict database matching protocol that is not mandated by HAVA or by state law,” said Francys Johnson, president of the GA NAACP, a plaintiff in this matter. “This litigation against Secretary Kemp is part of our ongoing post-Shelby election administration monitoring program in Georgia,” Johnson said. “This case illustrates why the NAACP will mortgage every asset we have to defend the unfettered access to the ballot. It was paid for with the blood, sweat and tears of our ancestors – voting is sacred.”

There is simply no legitimate reason why this flawed process should be allowed to continue to disenfranchise eligible Georgians, particularly when the evidence shows that the process is disproportionately preventing African American, Latino and Asian American applicants from completing the registration process and is denying them their fundamental right to vote.”

To read the full complaint, please click here.

*CLC was joined by the Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights Under Law (Lawyers’ Committee), Project Vote, Voting Rights Institute of the Georgetown University School of Law, along with the New York City office of Hughes Hubbard and Reed LLP and Atlanta-based firm of Caplan Cobb LLP, acting as pro bono counsel.

Georgia State Conference of the NAACP v. Kemp

At a Glance

In 2013, the Georgia Secretary of State’s Office issued an administrative policy directive that cancels voter registration applications if they do not match exactly with existing records in the Georgia Department of Driver Services or the Social Security Administration (SSA) databases unless the voter takes burdensome steps to resolve the problem prior to Election Day.

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About This Case/Action

In 2013, the Georgia Secretary of State’s Office issued an administrative policy directive that cancels voter registration applications if they do not match exactly with existing records in the Georgia Department of Driver Services or the Social Security Administration (SSA) databases unless the voter takes burdensome steps to resolve the problem prior to Election Day.

This has resulted in the rejection of thousands of applications. These disqualifications are often the result of innocuous mistakes such as misread handwriting, incorrect transposition of driver’s license digits or the omission of a hyphen in one’s name. These errors may not be the voters’ fault or related to the voters’ ineligibility but can lead to their disenfranchisement.

This policy is unnecessary. Georgia already allows those with a “mismatch” who register within 30 days of an election to show ID at the polls in order to cast a ballot. However, it arbitrarily doesn’t allow other voters with a “mismatch” to do the same.

The Impact on Minority Voters:

Since July of 2013, tens of thousands of registration applications canceled under the Georgia’s policy. During that time, more whites have applied to vote in Georgia than blacks, yet black applicants comprise 63.6 percent of all cancellations under this policy. Overall, minority voters are eight times more likely than white voters to be rejected under Georgia’s policy.

Black, Hispanic and Asian Americans are more likely to be affected because of name variations, hyphenated names or inaccurate name transposition by the state.  Since the SSA database doesn’t tell voters what caused the “mismatch,” voters may not even know how to resolve the problem. For example, Amos Boadai, an immigrant from Ghana naturalized in 2011, had his voter application disqualified after his information failed to match a corresponding field in the SSA database, but never discovered why.

This policy results in real-life disenfranchisement of active voters. Elton Garcia-Castillo received a “mismatch” letter but thought he could resolve it on Election Day.  When he arrived at the polls in 2015, he was denied the right to vote.

Legal Arguments

Georgia claims it passed this policy to “assure the identity and eligibility of voters and to prevent fraudulent or erroneous registrations.” But there’s scant evidence of voter fraud in Georgia and voter verification is already adequately protected by other less burdensome and less discriminatory election procedures. If left in place, this policy would continue to disenfranchise tens of thousands of voters throughout Georgia, silencing their voice and preventing them from participating in the 2016 presidential election.   

The Campaign Legal Center has partnered with Project Vote, the Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights Under Law and the Institute for Public Representation to file suit against Georgia’s Secretary of State, Brian Kemp, in an effort to prevent this disenfranchisement.

In our lawsuit, Georgia State Conference of the NAACP v. Kemp¸ we argue that Georgia’s violates Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act, as well as the First and 14th Amendments of the U.S. Constitution. Our lawsuit calls on the Georgia federal district court to immediately block the state from enforcing the current administrative policy and put voters back on the rolls before voter registration closes in the state in October.

Update: In response to the lawsuit and motion for emergency relief, and before a hearing was even held, the Georgia agreed to suspend the exact-match requirement and reinstate from “cancelled” to “pending” status every voter cancelled under the policy dating back to October 2014. Voters whose registration status is “pending” will now be able to cast a regular ballot in the November 2016 by simply showing appropriate ID at the polls.

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Read our blog

Plaintiffs

Georgia State Conference of the NAACP

Defendant

Kemp

CLC's Statement on DOJ Decision Not to Retry Bob McDonnell on Corruption Charges

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Today’s announcement that prosecutors will not retry former Virginia Governor Bob  McDonnell on corruption charges is extremely disappointing and sends a strong signal that states must adopt strong campaign finance laws to prevent similar quid pro quo schemes from arising in their borders.

Tara Malloy, senior director, appellate litigation & strategy of the Campaign Legal Center, released the following statement:

“It is extremely disappointing that Gov. Bob McDonnell, who clearly abused his office and the public’s confidence, will face absolutely no penalty. Although the Supreme Court held that McDonnell’s prosecution had proceeded under faulty jury instructions, it in no way exonerated the governor or ruled out a retrial. The Department of Justice’s decision to drop the case signals to politicians nationwide that they can engage in pay-to-play politics with impunity and will give comfort to other officeholders currently facing public corruption charges. 

"Now, more than ever, states must make it a priority to protect and preserve the integrity of our democracy by passing strong gift laws and campaign finance laws, both of which are designed to prevent bribery schemes from hatching in the first place.”