The Impact of Big Money and Secret Spending on Trump’s Second Inauguration

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The Capitol Building with crowds of people in winter clothes gathered in front of it.
People gather in front of the United States Capitol Building in Washington, D.C. Photo by Eliyahu Parypa

Technology giants Amazon, Meta and Google are among the many corporate special interests that ponied up $1 million apiece to pay for Donald Trump’s second inauguration.  

While much of the official ceremony is covered by the federal government, private donations collected through Trump’s inaugural committee can be leveraged to bankroll a multi-day extravaganza of lavish dinners, galas and events that give big money donors exclusive face time with the incoming administration. 

The exorbitant price of inaugurations — and the fact that inaugural committees can accept unlimited contributions as well as corporate money — make them an ideal way for wealthy special interests to buy political access and influence, ultimately drowning out the voices of everyday Americans.  

Even worse, while some corporations and their top executives have publicly exchanged big money for access to the new administration, others who want to avoid public scrutiny can easily exploit pathways that keep their spending secret.  

That would mean the public doesn’t even know who is spending big to get their thoughts in the new president’s ear — a recipe for potential corruption.  

Presidential Inaugurations Are a Unique Opportunity for Big Donors to Buy Access  

Donating to a president’s inaugural fund is a highly effective way for uberwealthy individuals and big corporations to win political favor. Unlike contributions to a presidential campaign, there is no limit to how much money an individual or corporation can donate to an inaugural fund.  

Moreover, inaugural fund donations are a sure bet; donors know their money is going to the person who will be sitting in the Oval Office.

While previous presidents have typically adopted self-imposed limitations on their inaugural fundraising — President Barack Obama capped individual contributions to his 2009 inauguration at $50,000 and President George W. Bush capped them at $250,000 — Trump has not.

On the contrary, he unabashedly marketed his 2017 inauguration as an influence-buying free-for-all.  

Just like in 2017, many of the megadonors who contributed to this year’s festivities have plenty to gain from a positive relationship with Trump; tech companies are preparing for impending legislative battles over content moderation and antitrust enforcement, while other corporate donors like Boeing depend on government contracts for profit.

These public, seven-figure donations send a clear message that wealthy corporations are working to buy political goodwill for the next four years — a concerning sign of how corruption may play out in a second Trump administration.

Dark Money in Inaugural Funds  

This year’s inaugural committee is projected to raise over $200 million in total — and the origins of some of these millions may remain secret if contributions were routed through “dark money” groups.  

Dark money refers to political spending where the true sources of the funds are concealed from the public, often through the use of a corporate shell or conduit. Wealthy special interests frequently use dark money to accrue political influence while concealing their actions from voters.

Dark money groups, most commonly 501(c)(4) organizations that aren’t required to disclose their donors, provide a pathway for this secret spending.  

We saw dark money groups make donations to an inaugural fund for the first time in 2017, when Trump accepted a $1 million donation from a mysterious LLC later revealed to be funded by the Wellspring Committee, a notorious dark money group linked to conservative activist Leonard Leo and the Judicial Crisis Network.  

Dark money groups have already pumped millions into the 2024 election — and more likely than not, 2025 will be the second presidential inauguration where the American people are kept in the dark about who is paying to influence the incoming administration.  

The Aftermath of Inaugurations Present a Clear Risk of Corruption

Unlimited spending in inaugural funding poses a clear risk of corruption: With virtually no rules or limits on how inauguration funds can be spent, they are ripe for abuse.  

For instance, Trump’s previous inaugural committee settled a case in 2022 brought by the D.C. attorney general, which accused the committee of grossly overpaying Trump-owned properties that held inauguration events for their event space — ultimately enriching Trump personally.  

This time around, Trump has already directed inauguration funds down pathways that ultimately lead to his bank account. A chunk of all official inaugural merchandise purchases will reportedly go to a leadership PAC, which Trump has previously used to pay his personal expenses, such as his mounting legal fees.  

Accountability Starts on Day One

As elections become more expensive, it is more important than ever to have transparency on who is paying for access to our politicians.

The inaugural committee, something that was originally meant to help fund the celebration of a peaceful transfer of power, has become yet another avenue for big money and secret spending to drown out the voices of everyday Americans.  

Congress should act now to support legislation that would prevent inaugural committees from being a conduit for megadonors and secret spending. The Protecting Our Democracy Act would help protect transparency and accountability by placing a cap on individual contributions and requiring disclosure reports that would provide Americans with timely information on who is contributing to an inaugural committee.

Just like we have done in past inaugurations, Campaign Legal Center will be keeping a close eye on if and how Trump’s inaugural committee has undermined transparency and accountability in our democracy.

Saurav is the Director, Federal Campaign Finance Reform at CLC.
Maha is a Communications Associate for Campaign Finance & Ethics at CLC.
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